Eritrea: Prepare for Transition

It is easier to explain the relevance of this book to readers Eritreans in particular in the following way. Consider if you will a solemn statement posted by a certain group of Kunama activists under the title of “Gash/Setit”. The statement was posted on August 14 2009 on a website called Kunama-Agara. As part of a long discussion of the rights of minorities and indigenous peoples Kunama-agara strongly reminded Eritreans that there are internationally recognized laws protecting the rights of ethnic and other minorities. The website specifically mentioned the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Kunama-agara was not alone in appealing to International Human Rights Law (IHRL). In fact it is common to see rebel groups or other opposition forces basing their cause for revolution on provisions of IHRL or publicly declaring their commitment to IHRL. This is true with the Eritrean opposition. . Why did Kunama-agara appeal to IHRL? And why should the rest of Eritreans care about IHRL? Why should the Tigriyna highlander “the land-grabber” care about demands of IHRL? Why did Kunama-agara feel that Eritreans are constrained by IHRL including in writing a constitution? Why the many references to international human rights provisions by the Eritrean opposition camp? Why did the Eritrean National Commission for Democratic Change (ENCDC) in its draft constitution felt compelled to state that the “laws of the State of Eritrea shall comply with the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights”?. In answering these questions one may advance or rather regress to other set of more fundamental questions. Why do we need international law particularly IHRL while states could provide for human rights in their constitutions? What justifies different tiers of governance governments and laws? Why have a provincial (county) government state government and federal government and on top of these global governments such as the United Nations (UN) and international law? What are the arguments people forward to seek local autonomy and what are the arguments they give to surrender autonomy to higher authorities? What are the matters that should not be at the mercy of majorities even if the majorities are as big as 80 or 90 percent of the populace? What are the matters that can be thrown to the whims of the majority? Where is distinction made? . If the average Eritrean political activist would like to find answers to these questions the book is helpful. The book is prepared with the aim of contributing something to the mind of the average Eritrean political activist and thereby help resolve some of the unresolved political issues Eritreans have.